China’s AI models have Trump’s AI world at war with itself
This story originally appeared in The Algorithm, our weekly newsletter on AI. To get stories like this in your inbox first, sign up here. Over the weekend, several current and former advisors to President Donald Trump on AI publicly lobbed insults at the country’s leading AI companies. David Sacks, the president’s AI and crypto “czar” until…
This story originally appeared in The Algorithm, our weekly newsletter on AI. To get stories like this in your inbox first, sign up here . Over the weekend, several current and former advisors to President Donald Trump on AI publicly lobbed insults at the country’s leading AI companies. David Sacks, the president’s AI and crypto “czar” until March, branded Anthropic’s models as “lobotomized” and “woke.” Emil Michael, a top Pentagon official, called OpenAI’s new head of strategic futures a “supreme village idiot.” It began because no one can agree on what to do about Kimi, a free, open source model that Chinese AI company Moonshot launched last week. It appears to rival the intelligence of models from OpenAI and Anthropic, which are very much not free. Kimi and other Chinese models like it pose a real problem for Trump. And they’re dividing the top AI strategists in his orbit into factions. Every time a new smart, free model from China like Kimi gets released, US companies see less reason to fork out money to access models from Anthropic or OpenAI. Given that enthusiasm for these and other AI companies is driving an outsized share of economic growth, China’s AI models create both economic and political problems for the president. They are “a threat for an administration that really doesn’t want more economic bad news,” Anton Leicht, a fellow at the Carnegie Endowment, wrote on X. They’ve already rattled US stocks . What is Trump to do? First, consider that this is all happening just a week after New York imposed the country’s first state ban on new data centers. There is growing distrust of AI companies, and I imagine a not-insignificant share of Americans would have little sympathy for OpenAI or Anthropic as they fend off cheaper competitors, and would say it’s not the government’s job to protect their interests. On this point, they’d see a sliver of agreement (and really just a sliver) with David Sacks, who on July 19 criticized top AI companies that “want the government to eliminate their open source competition.” He has also argued that Chinese AI models have become popular because they come with fewer restrictions on how people can use them (putting aside the built-in state censorship ). Sacks, however, is out of a job. He no longer has a formal role advising Trump, and his position that more open AI is better has been largely replaced in the administration by one that sees a larger role for government intervention. The thinking behind this view is that because AI models have gotten strong enough to pose threats to national security, the government must control how they’re used. This position has fueled the new White House review process that aims to vet AI models’ security before they’re released. Dean Ball, a former Trump AI advisor who now works for OpenAI, criticized it over the weekend as a “de facto licensing regime for frontier AI.” Ball predicted Trump may solve his Chinese open source problem with a bit of soft power, perhaps by making US companies afraid to use models like Kimi. That drew a response from Michael, who, with Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, has been the agency’s main liaison with AI companies. Michael called Ball the AI industry’s “supreme village idiot,” bristling at the suggestion that the government would quietly strong-arm companies rather than, as Michael put it, go through “the democratic process not some Deep State scheme.” Left out of the conversation has been how a model like Kimi got so good in the first place. For much of the Biden administration and even the beginning of Trump’s second administration, keeping China from getting top chips was a priority. Those export controls have loosened—Trump made the controversial decision to allow Nvidia to sell more chips to China, in exchange for the US government taking a cut—and the government has alleged that some chip smuggling has taken place. But China nonetheless has limited computing power, and it’s not clear what chips the company behind Kimi used to train the model. It’s possible that the process involved some distillation, a practice in which AI models are trained on the outputs of existing AI models. OpenAI and Anthropic have long complained that Chinese AI companies do this, and they have requested government help to put a stop to it. In April, they got it, when the Trump administration announced a series of efforts to curb the practice. But Kimi is out there and free, and it is nearly as good as the Anthropic model the US government deemed so powerful that it was briefly shut down because it threatened national security. The weekend’s sparring suggests many in Trump’s orbit see that as a wake-up call. But nobody can agree on what for.
Key takeaways
- Chinese AI models, such as Kimi, pose a significant challenge to American companies and could impact the Brazilian market.
- The growing distrust towards AI companies in the U.S. may influence regulation and technology adoption in Brazil.
- The U.S. government's response to Chinese AI competition could set precedents that will affect technology policy in other countries, including Brazil.
Editorial analysis
The recent dispute among Donald Trump's advisors regarding China's AI models, particularly Kimi, highlights a growing tension in the tech sector that could have global repercussions, including in Brazil. The ability of Chinese models to offer high-quality, free AI solutions poses a direct challenge to American companies like OpenAI and Anthropic, which operate on a subscription-based business model. For Brazil, which is in the process of developing its own AI industry, this situation can serve as a wake-up call about the need for innovation and competitiveness. If effective and free AI models become the norm, it could influence technology adoption in Brazil, where many companies still rely on paid solutions.
Moreover, the increasing distrust towards AI companies in the U.S. may resonate in Brazil, where issues of privacy and ethical use of technology are on the rise. The debate over AI regulation is likely to intensify, especially as Brazil develops its own legislation on the subject. The current scenario may encourage reflection on how the country can position itself regarding innovation and regulation, avoiding the trap of excessive dependence on foreign solutions.
What to watch for next is how the Trump administration will respond to this growing competition. The possibility of government interventions to protect local companies could set a precedent that other countries, including Brazil, might follow. This raises questions about market freedom versus local industry protection, a dilemma that will certainly be debated in Brazilian political and business spheres as the country advances in its digital transformation journey.
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